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Luna Bergere Leopold

Publications and source records attributed to Luna Bergere Leopold.

At least 55 records · Page 3Linked to original sources

The Vigil Network

Those of us who seek to explain the variations in hydrologic phenomena such as may be observed in the occurrence of floods or in changes in the shape of river channels are painfully aware of the lack of adequate data. Our existing data, collected mainly to serve immediate practical needs for water-resources development, usually are deficient in providing information useful for many kinds of scientific inquiry. Hydrologic records are usually obtained on streams that are highly regulated or otherwise put to use, to the neglect of headwater streams better suited to studies of the details of hydrologic processes.

International Association of Scientific Hydrology

The man and the hill

He was sitting on a large slab of rock. As he looked at the cloud of dust hanging hazily on the horizon, the piece of antler and the block of flint he held in his hand hung as if they were suspended from their previous rapid motion. The man gazed intently across the swaying grass which rose in wave-like billows across the distant hills. What was that dust - a herd of buffalo, a band of hunters, or were coyotes chasing the antelope again? After watching for a while he started again to chip the flint with a rapid twisting motion of the bone in his right hand. The little chips of flint fell in the grass before him. It is the same hill but the scene has changed. Seated on the same rock, holding the reins of a saddle horse, a man dressed in buckskin took the fur cap off his head and wiped his brow. He was looking intently across a brown and desolate landscape at a cloud of dust on the far horizon. Was it the hostile tribe of Indians? It could be buffalo. Nervously he kicked at the ground with the deerhide moccasin, pushing the flint chips out of the way. He wiped the dust from his long rifle. What a terrible place - no water, practically no grass, everything bare and brown. Now at sunset, slanting across the hills green with springtime, a cowman sits on a big rock, pushes his sombrero back on his head, and looks across the valley at a large but quiet herd of stock, moving slowly as each steer walks from one lush patch of grass to another, nibbling. Suddenly he stood up. Far on the horizon some dark objects were moving. Is it the sheepmen? Could it be the stage coach from Baggs to the Sweetwater Crossing? Same hill - a gray truck was grinding slowly toward the summit. It pulled up near a small fenced enclosure where there were some instruments painted a bright silver color. A man stepped out of the truck and turned to his younger companion, "You've never found an arrowhead? Maybe you have never thought about it correctly. If you want to find where an Indian camped long ago, put yourself in his place. Where would he sit to chip flint? He would take some high hill above a grassy valley where the breeze would cool him and where he could look across the country, watching for game or for enemies. If I were an Indian, that's what I would do. You change the chart of the rain gage and I am going to walk up to the place where I think he might have sat." He walked over to the crest of the hill and, near a large slab of sandstone, started to pick up pieces of flint. This is an oft-repeated story. A given hill is repeatedly visited, used, loved or hated, protected or marred, by successive generations of men. All these men had characteristics in common. They had a job to do, a livelihood to make; they had their own plans, their own fears, but they were in one way or another connected with the land.

Circular

The concept of entropy in landscape evolution

The concept of entropy is expressed in terms of probability of various states. Entropy treats of the distribution of energy. The principle is introduced that the most probable condition exists when energy in a river system is as uniformly distributed as may be permitted by physical constraints. From these general considerations equations for the longitudinal profiles of rivers are derived that are mathematically comparable to those observed in the field. The most probable river profiles approach the condition in which the downstream rate of production of entropy per unit mass is constant. Hydraulic equations are insufficient to determine the velocity, depths, and slopes of rivers that are themselves authors of their own hydraulic geometries. A solution becomes possible by introducing the concept that the distribution of energy tends toward the most probable. This solution leads to a theoretical definition of the hydraulic geometry of river channels that agrees closely with field observations. The most probable state for certain physical systems can also be illustrated by random-walk models. Average longitudinal profiles and drainage networks were so derived and these have the properties implied by the theory. The drainage networks derived from random walks have some of the principal properties demonstrated by the Horton analysis; specifically, the logarithms of stream length and stream numbers are proportional to stream order.

Professional Paper

Rivers

Rivers are both the means and the routes by which the products of continental weathering are carried to the oceans of the world. Except in the most arid areas more water falls as precipitation than is lost by evaporation and transpiration from the land surface to the atmosphere. Thus there is an excess of water, which must flow to the ocean. Rivers, then, are the routes by which this excess water flows to the ultimate base level. The excess of precipitation over evaporation and transpiration provides the flow of rivers and springs, recharges ground-water storage, and is the supply from which man draws water for his needs.

American Scientist

Water and the arid zone of the United States

In a pluvial period associated with Wisconsin glaciation the closed basin of the Estancia Valley in New Mexico held a lake which, at its maximum extent, was 150 feet deep and had a surface area of 450 square miles. This basin, with a mean elevation of about 6,000 feet, has at present an annual precipitation of about 14 inches. Estimates have been made of the Pleistocene precipitation necessary to maintain this pluvial lake. Instead of the present annual average of 14 inches it has been variously estimated that the precipitation must have been between 20 and 24 inches. Lakes existed during Pleistocene time in many places in the western United States that are now true deserts - with a precipitation of less than 4 inches - and there is abundant evidence that early man lived on the shores of these lakes. He must have adapted himself to the increasing aridity; this adaptation can be seen even at present in the form of floodwater farming practices, which have been highly developed by the Hopi Indians, particularly in northeastern Arizona. A gradually changing climate is only one, and not the most important, of the changing conditions to which man must gradually adjust in his particular relation to the use of water. The changes in his own culture in conjunction with changes in population density are usually even more important determinants of man’s use of and attitude toward his water supplies. In a desert area of Central Arizona, near Florence, the remains of irrigation systems developed by the aborigines to irrigate the alluvial valley floor with water diverted from the Gila River, which was at that time perennial, have been mapped and partially excavated. Irrigated agriculture was not practised nearly so extensively in the arid portions of the United States as in Persia, India, and many Mediterranean countries, nor was the general culture of indigenous American tribes so highly developed. Even in the simple cultures of the American Indians patterns of adjustment to a changing climate and to a changing culture and population level can be discerned. These patterns include, however crudely, the development of irrigated agriculture, floodwater farming, water storage for both stock and community use, spring development, and even efforts at rain-making through the offices of prayers, rattles, and dances. These same patterns, more complex to be sure, can be seen to have characterized the adjustment of modern culture to the limited water supplies of the arid climates, even including the prayers and rattles. An aspect of the development of American culture in the arid areas is probably typical and may have a counterpart in certain of the underdeveloped areas in other parts of the world at the present time. The local civilization of the arid climate usually does not develop to a very high level in situ. The indigenous cultures are usually transfused with new bursts of energy and knowledge by the incursion of other cultures which have developed in other climes. The cultural advances in the Fertile Crescent of Mesopotamia were gradually influenced by the barbarian invasion, which added much to, as well as detracted from, the locally developing society. Similarly the spurt of civilization which has characterized the arid parts of the United States since 1846 was determined by the superposition of a culture from the eastern United States on the essentially Spanish culture which had been developing since the initial exploration of the southwestern desert in 1630.

Conference Paper

Water

What do you use water for? If someone asked you this question you would probably think right away of water for drinking. Then you would think of water for bathing, brushing teeth, flushing the toilet. Your list would get longer as you thought of water for cooking, washing the dishes, running the garbage grinder. Water for lawn watering, for play pools, for swimming pools, for washing the car and the dog. Water for washing machines and for air conditioning. You can hardly do without water for fun and pleasure—water for swimming, boating, fishing, water-skiing, and skin diving. In school or the public library, you need water to wash your hands, or to have a drink. If your home or school bursts into flames, quantities of water are needed to put it out. In fact, life to Americans is unthinkable without large supplies of fresh, clean water. If you give the matter a little thought, you will realize that people in many countries, even in our own, may suffer from disease and dirt simply because their homes are not equipped with running water. Imagine your own town if for some reason - an explosion, perhaps - water service were cut off for a week or several weeks. You would have to drive or walk to a neighboring town and bring water back in pails. Certainly if people had to carry water themselves they might not be inclined to bathe very often; washing clothes would be a real chore. Nothing can live without water. The earth is covered by water over three-fourths of its surface - water as a liquid in rivers, lakes and oceans, and water as ice and snow on the tops of high mountains and in the polar regions. Only one-quarter of our bodies is bone and muscle; the other three-fourths is made of water. We need water to live, and so do plants and animals. People and animals can live a long time without food, but without water they die in a few days. Without water, everything would die, and the world would turn into a huge desert.

Book

River meanders

Most river curves have nearly the same value of the ratio of curvature radius to channel width, in the range of 2 to 3. Meanders formed by meltwater on the surface of glaciers, and by the main current of the Gulf Stream, have a relation of meander length to channel width similar to rivers. Because such meanders carry no sediment, the shapes of curves in rivers are evidently determined primarily by the dynamics of flow rather than by relation to debris load. Velocity distributions along river curves provide a generalized picture of flow characteristics. Evidence on flow resistance in curved channels suggests that a basic aspect of meander mechanics may be related to the distribution of energy loss provided by a particular configuration or curvature. No general theory of meanders is as yet satisfactory, however; in fact, present evidence suggests that no single theory will explain the formation and characteristics of all meanders and that few of the physical principles involved have yet been clearly identified.

Geological Society of America Bulletin

A primer on water

When you open the faucet you expect water to flow. And you expect it to flow night or day, summer or winter, whether you want to fill a glass or water the lawn. It should be clean and pure, without any odor. You have seen or read about places where the water doesn't have these qualities. You may have lived in a city where you were allowed to water the lawn only during a few hours of certain days. We know a large town where the water turns brown after every big rainstorm. Beginning shortly after World War II, large areas in the Southwestern United States had a 10-year drought, and newspapers published a lot of information about its effects. Some people say that the growing demand for water will cause serious shortages over much of the country in the next 10 to 40 years. But it has always been true that while water wells and springs dry up in some places, floods may be occurring in other places at the same time. Nearly every month news stories are published describing floods somewhere in the country. In fact, every year, on the average, 75,000 persons are forced from their homes by floods. In some years, as in 1951 when the lower Kansas River experienced a great flood, half a million people are affected. To understand the reasons for such recurring distress, it is necessary to know something about rivers and about the flat land or flood plain that borders the river. Interest in water and related problems is growing as our population increases and as the use of water becomes steadily greater. To help meet this heightened interest in general information about water and its use and control is the reason this primer was written. The primer is in two parts. The first part tells about hydrology, or the science that concerns the relation of water to our earth, and the second part describes the development of water supplies and the use of water. The Geological Survey is publishing this primer in nontechnical language in the hope that it will enable the general reader to understand the facts about water as a part of nature, and that by having this understanding the people can solve their water problems. We, as representatives of the Geological Survey, acknowledge with thanks the helpful suggestions made on an early draft by Marion Loizeaux, Maria Lord Converse, Constance Foley, Laura R. Langbein, and Bruce C. Leopold. We are also indebted to various geologists and engineers of the Survey for their discerning critical reviews.

General Interest Publication

Conservation and protection

When I was a child we had a burro I called Gacho. He was a typical burro, omnivorous in his eating habits and prone to streaks of extreme recalcitrance. Our yard wasn't very large, but it did produce enough grass and weeds to keep old Gacho in good fettle. His first preference was for the native grasses, and he chose to graze the lush patches rather than the shriveled plants on the areas of thin soil. Nevertheless, he was not particular and seemed to graze to some extent all over the yard. He often nibbled in the flower beds and I sometimes wondered whether he did this just for spite. After a time I arranged some crude fences and a tethering rope to keep him out of the most important flower beds. The yard was so small that we had a waste problem. To ignore the problem would hardly have been civilized, but, on the other hand, one couldn't follow him around all day with a shovel. So a workable compromise was adopted by keeping him penned up at night in a small enclosure, which, of course, could not be kept immaculate but was at least reasonably clean. We had the burro and we weren't getting rid of him. He was useful; we enjoyed riding him and hitching him up to our wagons. But he was a bother sometimes. Here was a simple case of resource use and resource development. The case is incomplete, but it demonstrates a principle. The resource, represented by the vegetation, was being utilized, or developed if you will, by a small juggernaut which was only partly controllable by my youthful skills. There was no need to urge utilization. That followed as a matter of course. The problem was that the one who utilized the resource, in this case the burro, was not very discerning of relative values. To Gacho the choice of which plant to eat and where to get rid of the waste was governed only by his own interests and convenience. Now, when a planning body convenes, one may bet that either the burro has Jain down in a flower bed or he has messed up the yard. By this time everybody is already in a lather. An appreciation of the existence of problems usually leads to a period of organizing the facts, assessing the current situation, and surveying the future possibilities. In the New England area such an assessment has recently been completed. Since that stage has been reached, it is logical to discuss the function of a planning unit as a prelude to the next phase. I should like to outline my own thoughts on this matter, but I do so without expecting to convince all others.

Circular

The conservation attitude

Forsaking his inheritance and its assurance of a comfortable existence, Guatama Buddha adopted the life of a pauper to seek the intellectual joys of pure contemplation. Under a mulberry tree, it is said, he propounded a 12-point program of ethical conduct stressing the development of a disinterested outlook in each individual. Temples, ritual, and idols he considered distractions from the basic need. He felt that there was a basic need for the development of an attitude. The Brahmins as well as the lower castes recognized the merits of the system suggested by Buddha, but they molded his teachings into an accessory to existing rituals and dogma. They soon forgot that Guatama wanted no idols and no temples. They forgot his admonition that an attitude was the thing that really counted. Despite his expressed wish, today Buddha in stone, in bronze, and in gold ponders these things in thousands of temples and hears the prayers of millions who still seek the truths of an ethical life. Today, conservation has its temples. The temples of conservation include hundreds of irrigation reservoirs; it has prayer-sticks in miles of contour plow furrows, and the Buddha of a drop-inlet structure looks down on a conservation pool in myriad detention dams. Conservation is well established today in the minds of the American public. It seems appropriate to analyze at this time just what it is that is established in the public mind. In what ways have we, too, substituted the temples, the ritual, and the idols for an attitude?

Circular

Ecological systems and the water resources

In ancient Sparta there were two principal classes of society, the citizen and the helot. The citizen was trained principally to be a warrior. The helot, a serf, was the tiller of the land but could be called to military duty. The history of Herodotus makes it amply clear that making war was the biggest business of the times. Because the Spartans were always marching off to war with someone, they found the landbound position of their city, located as its is in a small central basin nearly surrounded by mountains, somewhat of a disadvantage. When they were under attack, of course, this situation was a favorable one inasmuch as a seaborne enemy had to march inland to come to grips with the Lacedaemonians. The relatively small size of the independent states meant that the Spartans had no direct access through their own lands to the sea. There is evidence that the Spartans reached an agreement with surrounding states concerning a free corridor. There would be maintained by all the Grecian states of the Peloponnesus an access route stretching essentially from Sparta to Corinth, through which a marching army could have access to a seaport. As a secondary benefit, this no man's land, which in our western lingo might be called a stock driveway, allowed merchants and their caravans to move freely between the flourishing trading port of Corinth and the inland cities to the south and west. Apparently one portion of the agreement between the states with regard to the use of this access zone was that there should be no permanent agricultural or grazing in the driveway. As a result, through several centuries B.C. during which there was high population density in the Aegean area, one strip of land was exempted from the pressures of grazing, lumbering, and agriculture which characterized most of the rest of the landscape. Today this driveway maintains a forest cover. In contrast, mountainsides nearby with an even larger annual rainfall support hardly a tree. It is not entirely apparent why subsequent centuries did not see this area denuded. Even with the scanty details known to me it seems clear that the peculiar history of this one area potentially offers us a greater insight into some aspects of forest and land conditions of classical times than extant written records. The several references to sources of timber and cutting of forests contained in the vivid chronicle of Herodotus are valuable, but they lack species identification for the most part. Though rich in human understanding and psychological insight, his history strongly resembles the travel sagas of the Spanish Conquistadors of our Southwest, who had no real eye for "country." Even a careful reading of the works of early travelers such as Coronado, Garces, and Espejo, gives no picture of the nature of the country, its vegetation, or its rivers. To describe a biota there is no substitute for a sample. It is logical to ask what one might want to know which would require the preservation of a sample. Whether such a question is asked at all is a reflection on the stage of intellectual maturity of a civilization. We take for granted that there is social gain in the erection and maintenance of a museum of fine arts, a museum of natural history, or a historical museum. Sooner or later we should be mature enough to extend this concept to include a "museum" consisting of samples of land types as nearly as possible unaffected by man.

Circular

Water and the Southwest

In a pluvial period associated with Wisconsin glaciation the closed basin of the Estancia valley in New Mexico held a lake which, at its maximum extent, was 150 feet deep and had a surface area of 450 square miles. This basin, with an elevation of about 6,000 feet, has at present an annual precipitation of about 16 inches. Estimates have been made of the Pleistocene precipitation necessary to maintain this pluvial lake. Instead of the present annual average of 14 inches, it has been variously estimated that the precipitation must have been 20 to 24 inches. Lakes existed during Pleistocene time in many places in Western United States which are now true deserts. There is evidence in many places in this area that early man lived on the shores of these lakes. He must have adapted himself to the increasing aridity. Some of the forms of this adaptation can be seen even at present in the form of flood-water farming practices highly developed by the Hopi Indians.

Landscape

Water resource development and management

In a sandy, riverside location in Wisconsin, my family has a farm, once abandoned by a previous owner because it would not produce much corn. By the time we bought it – for a pittance – only a few remnants of white pine remained from the magnificent stands made famous by the Paul Bunyan legend. In this part of Wisconsin the pines were, even originally, restricted only to patches of the better soil, and the variability of the glacial topography has resulted in an interesting mixture of prairie marsh, swamp woodlot, and sand hill. We did not acquire this farm because it had great potential for growing crops. Rather we were interested in the variety of ecologic and topographic types, which, even within the confines of our property, represented a condensed version of the many different types of land in the Wisconsin countryside. The farm also has a very peculiar aesthetic and historical interest. Marquette’s canoes once slipped quietly past our favorite fishing hole on the river; passenger pigeons once roosted in our great oaks; and the few remaining white pines silhouetted against the sky-glow of evening made one think of the Round River and the Blue Ox.

Journal of the American Water Works Association

Climatology and the problems of western grasslands

Sixty years after Coronado, Don Juan de Onate wrote the first reasonably good description of the High Plains. He was near the present site of Wichita, Kansas, in 1601, when he arrived a t a large rancheria, or temporary Indian camp, containing more than 5000 souls. Onate's account expressed wonderment at the great extent of the level land, a t the numerous small streams bordered with luxuriant groves of trees, and, of course, at the large number of buffalo. We shall never see the wonderland of the blossoming prairie which he described as follows: Grazing for the horses "had been lacking for several days, as there had been none for many leagues, for the fields there were covered with flowers of a thousand different kinds, so thick that they choked the pasture " (1, p. 256). We who fly from Chicago to Denver in a few hours cannot get the same view of the western grasslands as those who, with rifle or sword in hand, moved at the rate of 10 to 15 miles a day. The tall- and short-grass prairies of the West comprise more than 700,000 square miles in the United States alone, not to mention the great prong extending northward into Canada. Such an area represents nearly a quarter of the United States. There are areas other than prairie where grass is an important natural resource. Among these should be mentioned the grass openings in woodland and along the borders of desert shrub associations in the plateau and basin-and-range provinces. So considered, the western grassed areas constitute even a larger proportion of our country. This vast domain has problems commensurate in complexity with its geographic scope, and these are in part related to the changes which have occurred since settlement. I shall attempt to state the most important current problems as I see them, and then will discuss briefly the role of the climatologist in their solution.

Conference Paper

Water problems in the present trend towards greater aridity

In the past few days we have heard a number of scientists, gathered here at Scripps Institution of Oceanography, discuss research work which, in one manner or another, bears on problems related to water resources. They have been discussing, particularly, problems in the field of climatology, and have speculated on the meaning of the results of this research. One of the problems under discussion was the nature, and possible cause, of the climatic fluctuation which we have experienced in recent decades, and its relation to climatic changes in recent geologic time since the last glaciation. These discussions have given me the courage, or perhaps the recklessness, to indulge in some speculation relative to various aspects of water resource problems in the United States.

Conference Paper

Floods in relation to the river channel

Among the rivers studied by us two broad types may be distinguished. Channels in the semi-arid areas scour at high discharges so that the bed lowers nearly as much as the water surface rises. Detailed data on the middle reaches of the Rio Grande in New Mexico during the spring floods of 1948 and 1952 indicate that the bed aggrades to nearly its pre-flood level as the flood recedes. Channel banks may move rapidly by undercutting during periods of scour and levees are liable to failure not from overtopping but by undercutting. In Connecticut, a sub-humid area, the repetitive processes of scour and fill in the semi-arid region were not demonstrated by the great floods of 1955. In a few reaches fresh sand was deposited over gravel beds subsequently to be removed by lower flows. Boulders four to six feet in diameter were moved in places over undisturbed beds of one-inch gravel. Channel widening occurred primarily in rivers in narrow valleys which confined the flow within the channel. Scour and deposition on flood plains adjacent to the rivers was irregular. Most deposits could be traced to local sources. In general, flood waters modified but did not vastly alter the prevailing configuration of the channel and structure of the flood plain.

Proceedings of the International Association of Hy

Land use and sediment yield

When the vegetal cover is removed from a land surface, the rate of removal of the soil material, at least initially, increases rapidly. So well known is this principle that it hardly needs restatement. If attention is focused on any individual drainage basin in its natural state, large or small, and inquiry is made as to the rate of denudation, a quantitative answer is not easily obtained. The possible error in any computation of rate of sediment production from any given drainage basin is considerable. Significant variations are found in sediment yields from closely adjacent watersheds which appear to be generally similar. To make a quantitative evaluation of the change in the rate of denudation when the natural vegetation is disturbed is, therefore, even more difficult. Considering the fact that "soil conservation" has been promoted to the status of a science, our lack of ability to answer what is apparently so simple a question may seem surprising. Let us look at some of the reasons.

Conference Paper